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69), but also because of his origin from the primordial branch of the royal Sasanian family (NPi 3.1, secs. A unique feature of the Paikuli inscription is the naming of his supporters, in three lists (NPi 3.1, secs. There are no reports on military encounters or decisive battles. 63, 68-69); by his recourse to this ritual, which had been known since Ardašir I’s time, Narseh tried to get accepted by the nobility and the rulers of the entirety of Iran, not as a usurper, but as a legitimate ruler (Weber and Wiesehöfer, 2010, pp. After an unequivocal vote of his supporters, Narseh agreed “to enter the throne of Our Father and Our Forefathers with the help of the Gods, in their name and that of Our Forefathers” (NPi 3.1, sec. The fact that Narseh could also count on wide approval beyond the nobles’ meeting is supported by the third list with the names of 37 followers (NPi 3.1, sec. King Narseh’s nine years of reign can be divided into three stages: (1) the years from his coronation (293) up to the beginning of the Roman-Persian war (296/97); (2) the war with the Imperium Romanum; (3) the years up to his death (298-302).

The Greek version of the Šāpur inscription has Narsaiēs or Narsaios. Šāpur’s inscription tells us that the conflict with Rome intensified shortly after Šāpur I’s accession to the throne (r. Also not clear are the circumstances of the coronation of Bahrām I, whom his father had not had in mind for succession (Huyse, 1999, I, secs. It may be assumed that only Bahrām I, after Hormozd’s early death (273), made Narseh king of Armenia in return for the latter’s giving up of his right to the throne. Approximately only twenty years after his start as viceroy of Armenia, Narseh entered history again when Bahrām II died (293) and the coronation of his son as Bahrām III led to a serious crisis of the empire. 164-66) does not correspond with the statement of the Paikuli inscription: “And Caesar and the Romans were in gratitude (? However, the decisive factors for the Roman attack may have been the former territorial losses and the unfavorable shift in the power relation in the Mesopotamian-Armenian areas in the 240s and 250s. It might be assumed that, in the late summer of 296, Narseh stationed his troops in the northeast of Mesopotamia on Persian terrain in anticipation of a Roman attack. Nevertheless, the reports that we have do not give us the authentic contract (Kettenhofen, 1995, p. 435), but only the five important clauses in condensed form (Petros Patrikios, Frag. Then there is the list that depends on the age of these enumerated persons (ranks 10-15; Huyse, 1999, I, secs. 572.18-19) was based on his claim to overcome the last branch of the Arsacid royal house and to become its successor. There is no detailed information on Narseh’s appointment as Hormozd-Ardašir’s successor in Armenia. From a Roman perspective, the aggressive policy of the first two Sasanian kings had been a heavy burden on the bilateral relations. Additionally, Galerius’s presence in his headquarters at Nicomedia must have been a menacing danger for the security of the Persian possessions in Mesopotamia and Armenia. His convincing victory might have kept him from continuing the fighting, from planning new campaigns and occupying Roman territories (Wiesehöfer, 1993, p. In a surprise attack, Galerius came upon Narseh’s camp, inflicted a major defeat on him, led Narseh’s harem and many nobles into captivity, and carried off large parts of the Persian imperial treasury. Narseh sent Affarbān, whom he trusted, to Galerius to convey to him his desire for peace and submission, and solely asked that his children and wives be returned to him (Petros Patrikios, Frags. Petros Patrikios is the only preserved author who tells us about the negotiations and the final peace treaty. IMAGES There are five busts of Narseh on the monument of Paikuli (Herzfeld, 1938, p. These four are privileged descendants honored by the endowment of a fire. His fruitless attack on Armenia (227 or 228; Cassius Dio, LXXX 3.3-4; Zonaras, XII 15 = p. 18), only the crown prince was entitled to bear the title “king of the Armenians.” When Šāpur I passed away (270/72), Hormozd-Ardašir ascended the Sasanian throne as Hormozd I. In contrast to this statement, a war broke out with the Roman Empire three years later. Conversely, Narseh withdrew to Sasanian territory on the southwest border of Armenia. At the end of 297 or 298, Galerius, with his newly recruited army, moved from Syria to the Roman province of Cappadocia, to the garrison town of Satala (Pʽawstos Buzand, III 21 [text], pp. 22, 155) not far from Narseh’s camp at Osḫa in the Basean canton, a district east of Erzerum in Armenia Major (Aurelius Victor, 39.34; Eutropius, IX 25; Lactantius, 9.6). In their view, the gods had honored the family of Sāsān in a special way by bestowing on them the divine royal glory, (GDE), and the rule over Ērānšahr (NPi 3.1, secs. This is why the Paikuli inscription glorifies Narseh’s grandfather Ardašir and holds the latter’s son Šāpur in high esteem (NPi 3.1, secs. His possession of the reassured Narseh that he had been chosen king by the gods and would be protected by them. i from the Nummus Bible II forum pointed out to me that his copy contained an extra article entitled ‘Remarques sur quelques émissions monétaires et sur l’iconographie des médailles de l’époque constantinienne’. On publication of Numismatique constantinienne, Voetter disagreed with some of Maurice’s views, notably the dating of coinage from 320 to 326, as well as the founding date of the mint of Constantinopolis.

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This numismatic tiff was set against the backdrop rising nationalism before the First World War…a factor which might have contributed to the caustic tone apparent in these articles. Remarques sur quelques émissions monétaires et sur l’iconographie des médailles de l’époque Constantinienne In: Revue numismatique Ser.

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